Reid Ginoza at 19:43, 9 April 2006

2006-04-09T19:43:43Z

Jennifer Wada at 10:40, 8 March 2006

2006-03-08T10:40:41Z

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foremost t r a d i t i o n a l Hawaiian scholar
of the twentieth century, Puku'i, 15/
records a Hawaiian proverb that
explains how the position of a l i ' i was
created from within the maka'ainana:
Kuneki na ku'auhau l i ' i l i ' i ,
noho mai i lalo; ho'okahi no, 'o
ko ke a l i ' i ke p i ' i i ka ' i ' o.
(Let the lesser genealogies s it
below; that of the a l i ' i alone
should be raised up towards
s i g n i f i c a n c e .)
What this means is that the people put
forth the flower of their families as
their representative and de-emphasized
the rest of the family to give added
prominence to that representative.
(Of course once their representative
is recognized and admired, the status
of everyone else is assured as well by
genealogical connection.) The a l i ' i
were the flower of the maka'ainana,
within the ideals of both the base and
a e s t h e t i c culture. The family
r e l a t i o n s h i p remains intact, although
individuals maintain distances.
In Hawaiian base culture much
emphasis is put on f i r s t - b o rn
children. In today's Hawaiian
families the oldest child often has
control over the younger children, and
respect and even some authority is
carried by the f i r s t - b o r n child even
i n to adulthood with respect to his or
her younger s i b l i n g s . The Hawaiian
language i t s e l f always distinguishes
older from younger sibling in i ts
kinship terms. The importance of
b i r t h order even carries into the
extended family, with the term used
for a cousin depending on the r e l a t i ve
age of the connecting parent. In
their base culture, then, Hawaiians
pjt much emphasis on birth order and
the prestige of being f i r s t - b o r n . The
a e s t h e t i c culture supports this with
special ceremonies for first-born
children and t r a d i t i o n s of giving them
special name songs, or similar special
recognition.
Genealogies are made more prominent
by including f i r s t - b o r n children, and
the person chosen to represent the
people as a l i 'i is usually from the
genealogy with the most f i r s t - b o rn
children and lineages in i t . In a
more t r a d i t i o n a l Hawaiian
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , then, a l i ' i and
maka'ainana are kin terms with the
a l i ' i representing the equivalent of
kaikua'ana, "older s i b l i n g of the sane
sex or cousin related to one through
an older s i b l i n g of one's parent."
The grammar of the language i t s e lf
strengthens the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of
a l i ' i and maka'ainana as kin terms,
since they use the O-class possessive
markers c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the
possession of kin. That i s , the a l i ' i
says ko'u maka'linana, "my
maka 'ainana" (note the o_ of k o ' u ) , and
the maka'ainana says ko'u a l i ' i , "my
a l i ' i . " The use of the O-class
possessive markers here contrasts with
the use of A-class possessive markers
used with ordinary material goods
possessed by a person, and even hired
hands, and spouses, who are treated as
A-class and less intimately bound with
one than O-class possessed items.
J!/
Even the rigid "taboos" (kapu) as
described in English books on Hawaiian
culture are not as the English
language makes them appear. The kapu
are actually associated with a lineage
through an historical or legendary
event, the emphasizing of which
through ceremonial observation
stresses the status of the lineage •
(ali 'i and maka'ainana as one). When
the people (and even nature, as
happens in the traditional context)
recognize these kapu by lighting
torches at day, sitting before an
ali 'i, allowing the ali'i to move only
at night, or observing rainbows
{{p|183}}

@@ Line 1: / Line 1: @@
-foremost t r a d i t i o n a l Hawaiian scholar
+foremost traditional Hawaiian scholar
-of the twentieth century, Puku'i, 15/
+of the twentieth century, Puku'i, <u>15</u>/
 records a Hawaiian proverb that
-explains how the position of a l i ' i was
+explains how the position of <u>ali'i</u> was
-created from within the maka'ainana:
+created from within the <u>maka'ainana</u>:
-Kuneki na ku'auhau l i ' i l i ' i ,
-noho mai i lalo; ho'okahi no, 'o
+: Kuneki na ku'auhau li'ili'i, noho mai i lalo; ho'okahi no, 'o ko ke ali'i ke pi'i i ka 'i'o.
-ko ke a l i ' i ke p i ' i i ka ' i ' o.
-(Let the lesser genealogies s it
+: (Let the lesser genealogies sit below; that of the <u>ali'i</u> alone should be raised up towards significance.)
-below; that of the a l i ' i alone
 What this means is that the people put
 forth the flower of their families as
@@ Line 19: / Line 17: @@
 is recognized and admired, the status
 of everyone else is assured as well by
-genealogical connection.) The a l i ' i
+genealogical connection.) The <u>ali'i</u>
-were the flower of the maka'ainana,
+were the flower of the <u>maka'ainana</u>,
 within the ideals of both the base and
-a e s t h e t i c culture. The family
+aesthetic culture. The family
-r e l a t i o n s h i p remains intact, although
+relationship remains intact, although
 individuals maintain distances.
 In Hawaiian base culture much
-emphasis is put on f i r s t - b o rn
+emphasis is put on first-born
 children. In today's Hawaiian
 families the oldest child often has
 control over the younger children, and
 respect and even some authority is
-carried by the f i r s t - b o r n child even
+carried by the first-born child even
-i n to adulthood with respect to his or
+in to adulthood with respect to his or
-her younger s i b l i n g s . The Hawaiian
+her younger siblings. The Hawaiian
-language i t s e l f always distinguishes
+language itself always distinguishes
-older from younger sibling in i ts
+older from younger sibling in its
 kinship terms. The importance of
-b i r t h order even carries into the
+birth order even carries into the
 extended family, with the term used
-for a cousin depending on the r e l a t i ve
+for a cousin depending on the relative
 age of the connecting parent. In
 their base culture, then, Hawaiians
-pjt much emphasis on birth order and
+put much emphasis on birth order and
-the prestige of being f i r s t - b o r n . The
+the prestige of being first-born. The
-a e s t h e t i c culture supports this with
+aesthetic culture supports this with
 special ceremonies for first-born
-children and t r a d i t i o n s of giving them
+children and traditions of giving them
 special name songs, or similar special
 recognition.
 Genealogies are made more prominent
-by including f i r s t - b o r n children, and
+by including first-born children, and
 the person chosen to represent the
-people as a l i 'i is usually from the
+people as <u>ali'i</u> is usually from the
-genealogy with the most f i r s t - b o rn
+genealogy with the most first-born
-children and lineages in i t . In a
+children and lineages in it. In a
-more t r a d i t i o n a l Hawaiian
+more traditional Hawaiian
-i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , then, a l i ' i and
+interpretation, then, <u>ali'i</u> and
-maka'ainana are kin terms with the
+<u>maka'ainana</u> are kin terms with the
-a l i ' i representing the equivalent of
+<u>ali'i</u> representing the equivalent of
-kaikua'ana, "older s i b l i n g of the sane
+<u>kaikua'ana</u>, "older sibling of the same
 sex or cousin related to one through
-an older s i b l i n g of one's parent."
+an older sibling of one's parent."
-The grammar of the language i t s e lf
+The grammar of the language itself
-strengthens the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of
+strengthens the identification of
-a l i ' i and maka'ainana as kin terms,
+<u>ali'i</u> and <u>maka'ainana</u> as kin terms,
 since they use the O-class possessive
-markers c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the
+markers characteristic of the
-possession of kin. That i s , the a l i ' i
+possession of kin. That is , the <u>ali'i</u>
-says ko'u maka'linana, "my
+says <u>ko'u</u> <u>maka'ainana</u>, "my
-maka 'ainana" (note the o_ of k o ' u ) , and
+<u>maka 'ainana</u>" (note the <u>o</u> of <u>k o'u</u>), and
-the maka'ainana says ko'u a l i ' i , "my
+the maka'ainana says <u>ko'u</u> <u>ali'i</u>, "my
-a l i ' i . " The use of the O-class
+<u>ali'i</u>. " The use of the O-class
 possessive markers here contrasts with
 the use of A-class possessive markers
@@ Line 78: / Line 78: @@
 hands, and spouses, who are treated as
 A-class and less intimately bound with
-one than O-class possessed items.
+one than O-class possessed items. <u>16</u>/
-J!/
-Even the rigid "taboos" (kapu) as
+Even the rigid "taboos" (<u>kapu</u>) as
 described in English books on Hawaiian
 culture are not as the English
-language makes them appear. The kapu
+language makes them appear. The <u>kapu</u>
 are actually associated with a lineage
 through an historical or legendary
 event, the emphasizing of which
 through ceremonial observation
-stresses the status of the lineage •
+stresses the status of the lineage
-(ali 'i and maka'ainana as one). When
+(<u>ali'i</u> and <u>maka'ainana</u> as one). When
 the people (and even nature, as
 happens in the traditional context)
-recognize these kapu by lighting
+recognize these <u>kapu</u> by lighting
 torches at day, sitting before an
-ali 'i, allowing the ali'i to move only
+<u>ali'i</u>, allowing the <u>ali'i</u> to move only
 at night, or observing rainbows
 {{p|183}}

Template:Nhsc-v1-183 - Revision history

Reid Ginoza at 19:43, 9 April 2006

Jennifer Wada at 10:40, 8 March 2006