Reid Ginoza at 00:52, 10 April 2006

2006-04-10T00:52:21Z

Jennifer Wada at 10:46, 8 March 2006

2006-03-08T10:46:55Z

New page

John guys like help.
(John and his friends want to
help.)
Funny kind this fish.
(This fish is unusual.)
The wahine stay hapai.
(The lady is pregnant.)
Pidgin was not spoken as a first
and native language by anyone until
about 1910. Much of the popular
English press and initial study of the
language in the 1930s attributed it to
a simple mixture of English and the
languages spoken on the plantations.
This simplistic explanation cannot
explain the strong Hawaiian flavor of
the language in terms of grammar,
intonation, stress, and vocabulary,
when .Hawaiians were such a tiny
minority in the plantation work force.
Recent research 27/ has shown what
even the haole plantation owners of
the monarchy period recorded: that
broken Hawaiian, not broken English,
was the language of the plantations;
and pidgin was originally a form of
Hawaiian. Broken Hawaiian was used
not only on the plantations, but to
speak with anyone who had a poor
command of Hawaiian, including haole
residents of Hawai'i. There were of
course many non-Hawaiians who spoke
Hawaiian well during the monarchy
through the turn of the century, and
there were even non-Hawaiians who
spoke Hawaiian better than their
ancestral languages, because Hawaiian
was the language of the community in
which they were raised. The broken or
pidgin language was quite common,
however, due to the great influx of
immigrants with the rise of the sugar
industry.
At the turn of the century, English
and Hawaiian words started to become
interchanged more frequently in pidgin
and, as the twentieth century
progressed, English vocabulary came to
predominate. Much of the structure
and pronunciation of the basic broken
Hawaiian remained, along with much
Hawaiian vocabulary, some of it
restricted to use in broken Hawaiian
(for example, kaukau—"food", "eat,"
versus normal Hawaiian mea'ai—
"food," and 'ai-- "eat"). About 1910,
children started to use this language
among themselves, and developed
greater strength in it than they had
in their parents' languages or the
proper English language that was
taught in school. This process,
termed creolization, involved all
Hawaiian children (except those of
Ni'ihau) by 1920, as well as the
children of the immigrant plantation
workers. 28/ Creolization resulted in
a pidgin that grew more complex in its
grammar, sound system, speed of
delivery, and ingenuity of slang.
Creolization of pidgin was the
perfect tool for local children to
resist the campaign to force them to
speak English. Pidgin is English, and
yet it really is not. Thus, the
children were able to comply with the
heavy campaign to make English the
language of the territory and still
not truly cooperate with what
Hawaiians saw as persecution of their
own language, nor identify
linguistically with the haole group
who were viewed as more concerned with
their own power than with the rest of
the population on human terms.
Pidgin is also Hawaiian, and yet
not really Hawaiian. This also suited
the children. The identity with
Hawai'i and the Hawaiian people was a
very positive thing not only for the
Hawaiian children themselves, but also
for the immigrant children who saw
themselves as different from their
foreign parents. The fact that the
language was not really Hawaiian was
important in that it distanced
Hawaiian and immigrant child alike
from the picture of a primitive stone
age race doomed to die, which was
{{p|199}}

@@ Line 1: / Line 1: @@
-John guys like help.
+: John guys like help.
-(John and his friends want to
+: (John and his friends want to help.)
 help.)
-Funny kind this fish.
+: Funny kind this fish.
-(This fish is unusual.)
+: (This fish is unusual.)
 The wahine stay hapai.
-(The lady is pregnant.)
+: The <u>wahine</u> stay <u>hapai</u>.
 Pidgin was not spoken as a first
 and native language by anyone until
@@ Line 17: / Line 19: @@
 the language in terms of grammar,
 intonation, stress, and vocabulary,
-when .Hawaiians were such a tiny
+when Hawaiians were such a tiny
 minority in the plantation work force.
-Recent research 27/ has shown what
+Recent research <u>27</u>/ has shown what
-even the haole plantation owners of
+even the <u>haole</u> plantation owners of
 the monarchy period recorded: that
 broken Hawaiian, not broken English,
@@ Line 28: / Line 30: @@
 not only on the plantations, but to
 speak with anyone who had a poor
-command of Hawaiian, including haole
+command of Hawaiian, including <u>haole</u>
 residents of Hawai'i. There were of
 course many non-Hawaiians who spoke
@@ Line 42: / Line 44: @@
 immigrants with the rise of the sugar
 industry.
 At the turn of the century, English
 and Hawaiian words started to become
@@ Line 52: / Line 55: @@
 Hawaiian vocabulary, some of it
 restricted to use in broken Hawaiian
-(for example, kaukau—"food", "eat,"
+(for example, <u>kaukau</u>—"food", "eat,"
-versus normal Hawaiian mea'ai—
+versus normal Hawaiian <u>mea'ai</u>—
-"food," and 'ai-- "eat"). About 1910,
+"food," and <u>'ai</u>-- "eat"). About 1910,
 children started to use this language
 among themselves, and developed
@@ Line 65: / Line 68: @@
 Ni'ihau) by 1920, as well as the
 children of the immigrant plantation
-workers. 28/ Creolization resulted in
+workers. <u>28</u>/ Creolization resulted in
 a pidgin that grew more complex in its
 grammar, sound system, speed of
 delivery, and ingenuity of slang.
 Creolization of pidgin was the
 perfect tool for local children to
@@ Line 80: / Line 84: @@
 Hawaiians saw as persecution of their
 own language, nor identify
-linguistically with the haole group
+linguistically with the <u>haole</u> group
 who were viewed as more concerned with
 their own power than with the rest of
 the population on human terms.
 Pidgin is also Hawaiian, and yet
 not really Hawaiian. This also suited

Template:Nhsc-v1-199 - Revision history

Reid Ginoza at 00:52, 10 April 2006

Jennifer Wada at 10:46, 8 March 2006