Reid Ginoza at 00:59, 10 April 2006

2006-04-10T00:59:44Z

Jennifer Wada at 10:47, 8 March 2006

2006-03-08T10:47:58Z

New page

has a pidgin-like history. 29/ This
status has nothing to do with the
structure of the language, which is in
some ways more intricate than Standard
English (particularly in i t s tense
structure), but with its historical
connection with broken English.
Since the position of one's language
in the hierarchy of English dialects
affects the impression one gives in
both the educational and employment
fields, pidgin labels its speakers as
unqualified, no matter what their
i n t e l l e c t . Also, since the pidgin
culture is a subculture of the larger
American English-speaking culture, its
nenbers geneially accept the status
hierarchy and apply it themselves! An
amazing example of this is the fact
that as Hawaiian-speaking ministers
die off, Hawaiian congregations are
replaoing them, not from their own
pidgin-speaking ranks, but with
mainland, Standard American English
speakers. Thus, the replacement of
Hawaiian with pidgin has taken
Hawaiians (except those of Ni'ihau) to
the final point of loss of control
over themselves, which f i r s t occurred
when the decision was made that
members of the English-speaking
missionary community would be
appropriate in high government
service, performing duties formerly
handled by members of the
Hawaiian-speaking community.
Present thinking in Hawai'i is that
elimination of pidgin in favor of
Standard American English will solve
many educational and occupational
problems for local people. The
history of what has happened with the
replacement of Hawaiian by English
does not support this thinking. The
worst scenario (with the elimination
of this last true linguistic unifying
factor of Hawaiians) is that Hawaiians
would be considered completely
assimilated and the term "Hawaiian"
would be applied to anyone resident or
born in Hawai'i. This would open up
the loss of rights that accompany the
Hawaiian identity, and the dispersal
of Hawaiians for economic reasons from
their traditional homeland to lower
economic areas on the North American
continent.
Even if it were desirable to
replace pidgin with American English
(because of the fact that any slight
non-North American feature can be used
to label a person a speaker of
"pidgin"), it will never be completely
possible to eliminate the local sound,
and the accompanying negative reaction
it evinces in speakers of Standard
American English. Just as it will
never be possible for New Yorkers to
a l l sound like Texans, it will never
be possible for all local people to
speak like Nebraskans, for the simple
reason of demographics. Another
reason that pidgin cannot be replaced
altogether by Standard American
English is that it carries a very
positive and highly-valued association
with the local Hawai'i identity. For
non-Hawaiian, immigrant-descended
"locals," whose ancestors may have
spoken good Hawaiian and who certainly
spoke the broken plantation language,
abandonment of pidgin is a p o s s i b i l i ty
if they wish to give up their local
identity. Most do not, and there is
ample evidence for non-Hawaiian locals
emphasizing their localness over their
own ethnic background, as well as over
any identity with Standard American
English.
For Hawaiians, however, localness
is included in their Hawaiian blood
and appearance. They have no choice
of becoming a Japanese-American or
Filipino-American (versus a local
Hawai'i-Japanese or a local
Hawai'i-Filipino), with an identity
that does not include Hawai'i. A
Hawaiian must always be identified
{{p|201}}

@@ Line 1: / Line 1: @@
-has a pidgin-like history. 29/ This
+has a pidgin-like history. <u>29</u>/ This
 status has nothing to do with the
 structure of the language, which is in
 some ways more intricate than Standard
-English (particularly in i t s tense
+English (particularly in its tense
 structure), but with its historical
 connection with broken English.
@@ Line 12: / Line 12: @@
 fields, pidgin labels its speakers as
 unqualified, no matter what their
-i n t e l l e c t . Also, since the pidgin
+intellect. Also, since the pidgin
 culture is a subculture of the larger
 American English-speaking culture, its
@@ Line 20: / Line 20: @@
 that as Hawaiian-speaking ministers
 die off, Hawaiian congregations are
-replaoing them, not from their own
+replacing them, not from their own
 pidgin-speaking ranks, but with
 mainland, Standard American English
@@ Line 27: / Line 27: @@
 Hawaiians (except those of Ni'ihau) to
 the final point of loss of control
-over themselves, which f i r s t occurred
+over themselves, which first occurred
 when the decision was made that
 members of the English-speaking
@@ Line 35: / Line 35: @@
 handled by members of the
 Hawaiian-speaking community.
 Present thinking in Hawai'i is that
 elimination of pidgin in favor of
@@ Line 56: / Line 57: @@
 economic areas on the North American
 continent.
 Even if it were desirable to
 replace pidgin with American English
@@ Line 67: / Line 69: @@
 American English. Just as it will
 never be possible for New Yorkers to
-a l l sound like Texans, it will never
+all sound like Texans, it will never
 be possible for all local people to
 speak like Nebraskans, for the simple
@@ Line 80: / Line 82: @@
 spoken good Hawaiian and who certainly
 spoke the broken plantation language,
-abandonment of pidgin is a p o s s i b i l i ty
+abandonment of pidgin is a possibility
 if they wish to give up their local
 identity. Most do not, and there is
@@ Line 88: / Line 90: @@
 any identity with Standard American
 English.
 For Hawaiians, however, localness
 is included in their Hawaiian blood

Template:Nhsc-v1-201 - Revision history

Reid Ginoza at 00:59, 10 April 2006

Jennifer Wada at 10:47, 8 March 2006