Jennifer Wada at 22:49, 15 April 2006

2006-04-15T22:49:33Z

Jennifer Wada at 11:00, 8 March 2006

2006-03-08T11:00:40Z

New page

"ungodly, irreligious, wicked,
careless of observing taboos" and who
"led others astray." 5/ They
represent a recurrent, steady percentage
of the population discontent
with the status quo. This "radical
fringe," already existing in marginal
Hawaiian society before the arrival of
Captain Cook, could only have
increased during the time of massive
annexation of territory by Kamehameha
I that obliterated traditional claims
of titled chiefs to their lands and
gods, both of which Kamehameha
attached to his domain. Disaffection
with conquest is evident in reported
rebellions and retaliations by rival
chiefs until they, and their families
too, were dispossessed or brought
under the Kamehameha administration.
The increase in numbers of
conquered "deviants" were being
influenced as well by the mere
proximity of deviant, although
natural, examples of European behavior
operating out of range of akua
controls with no negative results as
expected. Cultural deviation by the
all'i class from ordained akua
authority, established in native
religion by force of kapu akua, as a
ripened revolt (while not military in
character) became in 1819 open
refutation by the chiefesses in
publicly defying the efficacy of godly
mana. This action by the ali'i is not
to be misconstrued as violent overthrow,
but rather as a reasoned movement
toward -liberation of both the
ali'i and maka'ainana classes from
restrictions on human pleasure. (Note
that restrictions on sex as plural or
extramarital relations were absent.
Post-conversion introduction of the
Mosaic code of Biblical laws on
adultery became a headache for
Hawaiians.)
The chiefesses, however, could not
have succeeded without support of the
priesthood. The priests had charge of
and professional obligation toward
interpretation of the law for the
ali'i, and such power was not given to
ruling chiefs. In a sensitive
analysis of the overthrow of the kapu
system as a result of "culture
fatigue," anthropologist Kroeber
correctly identifies High Priest
Hewahewa as the real force behind the
whole overthrow, jj/ What motive drove
this high priest to completely
dismantle his "courts of justice" (the
heiau with powers over life and death)
by renouncing the authority of his
public office? Nothing so liberating
in bringing the law itself to justice
has ever been seen on earth since,
paving the way for easy conversion of
Hawaiians to Christianity in 1820.
Unifying Effect of the Kinolau Concept
This section discusses the unifying
effect of the kinolau concept of the
akua and 'aumakua (that is, multiple
symbolic forms of gods) in the
religious practice of the chiefs and
priests on one hand, and the commoners
on the other. It is expedient for
discussion of the kinolau concept to
return to Malo's description of the
difference between the manner of
worship of chiefs/priests versus
commoners as a primary factor of
distinction, rather than in the
objects of worship, that is, the gods
worshipped in common by both systems.
To quote Malo:
The names of the male deities
worshipped by the Hawaiians,
whether chiefs or common people,
were Ku, Lono, Kane, and Kanaloa;
and the various gods worshipped by
the people and the ali'i were
named after them. T_/
There was and still is an inherent
and consistent agreement in the
symbolism of identity linking through
the kinolau of the akua the "national"
manner of worship, or customs carried
on closer to home or in places of
daily, economic occupation. A
pervasive system of multiple symbolic
234

@@ Line 1: / Line 1: @@
 "ungodly, irreligious, wicked,
 careless of observing taboos" and who
-"led others astray." 5/ They
+"led others astray." <u>5</u>/ They
 represent a recurrent, steady percentage
 of the population discontent
@@ Line 19: / Line 19: @@
 too, were dispossessed or brought
 under the Kamehameha administration.
 The increase in numbers of
 conquered "deviants" were being
@@ Line 24: / Line 25: @@
 proximity of deviant, although
 natural, examples of European behavior
-operating out of range of akua
+operating out of range of <u>akua</u>
 controls with no negative results as
 expected. Cultural deviation by the
-all'i class from ordained akua
+<u>all'i</u> class from ordained <u>akua</u>
 authority, established in native
-religion by force of kapu akua, as a
+religion by force of <u>kapu akua</u>, as a
 ripened revolt (while not military in
 character) became in 1819 open
 refutation by the chiefesses in
 publicly defying the efficacy of godly
-mana. This action by the ali'i is not
+<u>mana</u>. This action by the <u>ali'i</u> is not
 to be misconstrued as violent overthrow,
 but rather as a reasoned movement
 toward -liberation of both the
-ali'i and maka'ainana classes from
+<u>ali'i</u> and <u>maka'ainana</u> classes from
 restrictions on human pleasure. (Note
 that restrictions on sex as plural or
@@ Line 46: / Line 47: @@
 adultery became a headache for
 Hawaiians.)
 The chiefesses, however, could not
 have succeeded without support of the
@@ Line 51: / Line 53: @@
 and professional obligation toward
 interpretation of the law for the
-ali'i, and such power was not given to
+<u>ali'i</u>, and such power was not given to
 ruling chiefs. In a sensitive
-analysis of the overthrow of the kapu
+analysis of the overthrow of the <u>kapu</u>
 system as a result of "culture
 fatigue," anthropologist Kroeber
 correctly identifies High Priest
 Hewahewa as the real force behind the
-whole overthrow, jj/ What motive drove
+whole overthrow. <u>6</u>/ What motive drove
 this high priest to completely
 dismantle his "courts of justice" (the
-heiau with powers over life and death)
+<u>heiau</u> with powers over life and death)
 by renouncing the authority of his
 public office? Nothing so liberating
@@ Line 68: / Line 70: @@
 paving the way for easy conversion of
 Hawaiians to Christianity in 1820.
 Unifying Effect of the Kinolau Concept
 This section discusses the unifying
-effect of the kinolau concept of the
+effect of the <u>kinolau</u> concept of the
-akua and 'aumakua (that is, multiple
+<u>akua</u> and <u>'aumakua</u> (that is, multiple
 symbolic forms of gods) in the
 religious practice of the chiefs and
 priests on one hand, and the commoners
 on the other. It is expedient for
-discussion of the kinolau concept to
+discussion of the <u>kinolau</u> concept to
 return to Malo's description of the
-difference between the manner of
+difference between the <u>manner of
-worship of chiefs/priests versus
+worship</u> of chiefs/priests versus
 commoners as a primary factor of
 distinction, rather than in the
-objects of worship, that is, the gods
+<u>objects of worship</u>, that is, the gods
 worshipped in common by both systems.
 To quote Malo:
 The names of the male deities
-worshipped by the Hawaiians,
+:The names of the male deities worshipped by the Hawaiians, whether chiefs or common people, were <u>Ku</u>, <u>Lono</u>, <u>Kane</u>, and <u>Kanaloa</u>; and the various gods worshipped by the people and the <u>ali'i</u> were named after them. <u>7</u>/
 whether chiefs or common people,
 There was and still is an inherent
 and consistent agreement in the
-symbolism of identity linking through
+<u>symbolism</u> of identity linking through
-the kinolau of the akua the "national"
+the <u>kinolau</u> of the <u>akua</u> the "national"
 manner of worship, or customs carried
 on closer to home or in places of
 daily, economic occupation. A
 pervasive system of multiple symbolic
+{{p|234}}

Template:Nhsc-v1-234 - Revision history

Jennifer Wada at 22:49, 15 April 2006

Jennifer Wada at 11:00, 8 March 2006