Difference between revisions of "Template:Nhsc-v1-234"

From GrassrootWiki
Jump to: navigation, search
 
 
Line 1: Line 1:
 
"ungodly, irreligious, wicked,
 
"ungodly, irreligious, wicked,
 
careless of observing taboos" and who
 
careless of observing taboos" and who
"led others astray." 5/ They
+
"led others astray." <u>5</u>/ They
 
represent a recurrent, steady percentage
 
represent a recurrent, steady percentage
 
of the population discontent
 
of the population discontent
Line 19: Line 19:
 
too, were dispossessed or brought
 
too, were dispossessed or brought
 
under the Kamehameha administration.
 
under the Kamehameha administration.
 +
 
The increase in numbers of
 
The increase in numbers of
 
conquered "deviants" were being
 
conquered "deviants" were being
Line 24: Line 25:
 
proximity of deviant, although
 
proximity of deviant, although
 
natural, examples of European behavior
 
natural, examples of European behavior
operating out of range of akua
+
operating out of range of <u>akua</u>
 
controls with no negative results as
 
controls with no negative results as
 
expected. Cultural deviation by the
 
expected. Cultural deviation by the
all'i class from ordained akua
+
<u>all'i</u> class from ordained <u>akua</u>
 
authority, established in native
 
authority, established in native
religion by force of kapu akua, as a
+
religion by force of <u>kapu akua</u>, as a
 
ripened revolt (while not military in
 
ripened revolt (while not military in
 
character) became in 1819 open
 
character) became in 1819 open
 
refutation by the chiefesses in
 
refutation by the chiefesses in
 
publicly defying the efficacy of godly
 
publicly defying the efficacy of godly
mana. This action by the ali'i is not
+
<u>mana</u>. This action by the <u>ali'i</u> is not
 
to be misconstrued as violent overthrow,
 
to be misconstrued as violent overthrow,
 
but rather as a reasoned movement
 
but rather as a reasoned movement
 
toward -liberation of both the
 
toward -liberation of both the
ali'i and maka'ainana classes from
+
<u>ali'i</u> and <u>maka'ainana</u> classes from
 
restrictions on human pleasure. (Note
 
restrictions on human pleasure. (Note
 
that restrictions on sex as plural or
 
that restrictions on sex as plural or
Line 46: Line 47:
 
adultery became a headache for
 
adultery became a headache for
 
Hawaiians.)
 
Hawaiians.)
 +
 
The chiefesses, however, could not
 
The chiefesses, however, could not
 
have succeeded without support of the
 
have succeeded without support of the
Line 51: Line 53:
 
and professional obligation toward
 
and professional obligation toward
 
interpretation of the law for the
 
interpretation of the law for the
ali'i, and such power was not given to
+
<u>ali'i</u>, and such power was not given to
 
ruling chiefs. In a sensitive
 
ruling chiefs. In a sensitive
analysis of the overthrow of the kapu
+
analysis of the overthrow of the <u>kapu</u>
 
system as a result of "culture
 
system as a result of "culture
 
fatigue," anthropologist Kroeber
 
fatigue," anthropologist Kroeber
 
correctly identifies High Priest
 
correctly identifies High Priest
 
Hewahewa as the real force behind the
 
Hewahewa as the real force behind the
whole overthrow, jj/ What motive drove
+
whole overthrow. <u>6</u>/ What motive drove
 
this high priest to completely
 
this high priest to completely
 
dismantle his "courts of justice" (the
 
dismantle his "courts of justice" (the
heiau with powers over life and death)
+
<u>heiau</u> with powers over life and death)
 
by renouncing the authority of his
 
by renouncing the authority of his
 
public office? Nothing so liberating
 
public office? Nothing so liberating
Line 68: Line 70:
 
paving the way for easy conversion of
 
paving the way for easy conversion of
 
Hawaiians to Christianity in 1820.
 
Hawaiians to Christianity in 1820.
Unifying Effect of the Kinolau Concept
+
 
 +
===<u>Unifying Effect of the Kinolau Concept</u>===
 +
 
 
This section discusses the unifying
 
This section discusses the unifying
effect of the kinolau concept of the
+
effect of the <u>kinolau</u> concept of the
akua and 'aumakua (that is, multiple
+
<u>akua</u> and <u>'aumakua</u> (that is, multiple
 
symbolic forms of gods) in the
 
symbolic forms of gods) in the
 
religious practice of the chiefs and
 
religious practice of the chiefs and
 
priests on one hand, and the commoners
 
priests on one hand, and the commoners
 
on the other. It is expedient for
 
on the other. It is expedient for
discussion of the kinolau concept to
+
discussion of the <u>kinolau</u> concept to
 
return to Malo's description of the
 
return to Malo's description of the
difference between the manner of
+
difference between the <u>manner of
worship of chiefs/priests versus
+
worship</u> of chiefs/priests versus
 
commoners as a primary factor of
 
commoners as a primary factor of
 
distinction, rather than in the
 
distinction, rather than in the
objects of worship, that is, the gods
+
<u>objects of worship</u>, that is, the gods
 
worshipped in common by both systems.
 
worshipped in common by both systems.
 
To quote Malo:
 
To quote Malo:
The names of the male deities
+
 
worshipped by the Hawaiians,
+
:The names of the male deities worshipped by the Hawaiians, whether chiefs or common people, were <u>Ku</u>, <u>Lono</u>, <u>Kane</u>, and <u>Kanaloa</u>; and the various gods worshipped by the people and the <u>ali'i</u> were named after them. <u>7</u>/
whether chiefs or common people,
+
 
were Ku, Lono, Kane, and Kanaloa;
 
and the various gods worshipped by
 
the people and the ali'i were
 
named after them. T_/
 
 
There was and still is an inherent
 
There was and still is an inherent
 
and consistent agreement in the
 
and consistent agreement in the
symbolism of identity linking through
+
<u>symbolism</u> of identity linking through
the kinolau of the akua the "national"
+
the <u>kinolau</u> of the <u>akua</u> the "national"
 
manner of worship, or customs carried
 
manner of worship, or customs carried
 
on closer to home or in places of
 
on closer to home or in places of
 
daily, economic occupation. A
 
daily, economic occupation. A
 
pervasive system of multiple symbolic
 
pervasive system of multiple symbolic
234
+
{{p|234}}

Latest revision as of 14:49, 15 April 2006

"ungodly, irreligious, wicked, careless of observing taboos" and who "led others astray." 5/ They represent a recurrent, steady percentage of the population discontent with the status quo. This "radical fringe," already existing in marginal Hawaiian society before the arrival of Captain Cook, could only have increased during the time of massive annexation of territory by Kamehameha I that obliterated traditional claims of titled chiefs to their lands and gods, both of which Kamehameha attached to his domain. Disaffection with conquest is evident in reported rebellions and retaliations by rival chiefs until they, and their families too, were dispossessed or brought under the Kamehameha administration.

The increase in numbers of conquered "deviants" were being influenced as well by the mere proximity of deviant, although natural, examples of European behavior operating out of range of akua controls with no negative results as expected. Cultural deviation by the all'i class from ordained akua authority, established in native religion by force of kapu akua, as a ripened revolt (while not military in character) became in 1819 open refutation by the chiefesses in publicly defying the efficacy of godly mana. This action by the ali'i is not to be misconstrued as violent overthrow, but rather as a reasoned movement toward -liberation of both the ali'i and maka'ainana classes from restrictions on human pleasure. (Note that restrictions on sex as plural or extramarital relations were absent. Post-conversion introduction of the Mosaic code of Biblical laws on adultery became a headache for Hawaiians.)

The chiefesses, however, could not have succeeded without support of the priesthood. The priests had charge of and professional obligation toward interpretation of the law for the ali'i, and such power was not given to ruling chiefs. In a sensitive analysis of the overthrow of the kapu system as a result of "culture fatigue," anthropologist Kroeber correctly identifies High Priest Hewahewa as the real force behind the whole overthrow. 6/ What motive drove this high priest to completely dismantle his "courts of justice" (the heiau with powers over life and death) by renouncing the authority of his public office? Nothing so liberating in bringing the law itself to justice has ever been seen on earth since, paving the way for easy conversion of Hawaiians to Christianity in 1820.

Unifying Effect of the Kinolau Concept

This section discusses the unifying effect of the kinolau concept of the akua and 'aumakua (that is, multiple symbolic forms of gods) in the religious practice of the chiefs and priests on one hand, and the commoners on the other. It is expedient for discussion of the kinolau concept to return to Malo's description of the difference between the manner of worship of chiefs/priests versus commoners as a primary factor of distinction, rather than in the objects of worship, that is, the gods worshipped in common by both systems. To quote Malo:

The names of the male deities worshipped by the Hawaiians, whether chiefs or common people, were Ku, Lono, Kane, and Kanaloa; and the various gods worshipped by the people and the ali'i were named after them. 7/

There was and still is an inherent and consistent agreement in the symbolism of identity linking through the kinolau of the akua the "national" manner of worship, or customs carried on closer to home or in places of daily, economic occupation. A pervasive system of multiple symbolic

-p234-