Difference between revisions of "Template:Nhsc-v1-201"
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− | has a pidgin-like history. 29/ This | + | has a pidgin-like history. <u>29</u>/ This |
status has nothing to do with the | status has nothing to do with the | ||
structure of the language, which is in | structure of the language, which is in | ||
some ways more intricate than Standard | some ways more intricate than Standard | ||
− | English (particularly in | + | English (particularly in its tense |
structure), but with its historical | structure), but with its historical | ||
connection with broken English. | connection with broken English. | ||
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fields, pidgin labels its speakers as | fields, pidgin labels its speakers as | ||
unqualified, no matter what their | unqualified, no matter what their | ||
− | + | intellect. Also, since the pidgin | |
culture is a subculture of the larger | culture is a subculture of the larger | ||
American English-speaking culture, its | American English-speaking culture, its | ||
Line 20: | Line 20: | ||
that as Hawaiian-speaking ministers | that as Hawaiian-speaking ministers | ||
die off, Hawaiian congregations are | die off, Hawaiian congregations are | ||
− | + | replacing them, not from their own | |
pidgin-speaking ranks, but with | pidgin-speaking ranks, but with | ||
mainland, Standard American English | mainland, Standard American English | ||
Line 27: | Line 27: | ||
Hawaiians (except those of Ni'ihau) to | Hawaiians (except those of Ni'ihau) to | ||
the final point of loss of control | the final point of loss of control | ||
− | over themselves, which | + | over themselves, which first occurred |
when the decision was made that | when the decision was made that | ||
members of the English-speaking | members of the English-speaking | ||
Line 35: | Line 35: | ||
handled by members of the | handled by members of the | ||
Hawaiian-speaking community. | Hawaiian-speaking community. | ||
+ | |||
Present thinking in Hawai'i is that | Present thinking in Hawai'i is that | ||
elimination of pidgin in favor of | elimination of pidgin in favor of | ||
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economic areas on the North American | economic areas on the North American | ||
continent. | continent. | ||
+ | |||
Even if it were desirable to | Even if it were desirable to | ||
replace pidgin with American English | replace pidgin with American English | ||
Line 67: | Line 69: | ||
American English. Just as it will | American English. Just as it will | ||
never be possible for New Yorkers to | never be possible for New Yorkers to | ||
− | + | all sound like Texans, it will never | |
be possible for all local people to | be possible for all local people to | ||
speak like Nebraskans, for the simple | speak like Nebraskans, for the simple | ||
Line 80: | Line 82: | ||
spoken good Hawaiian and who certainly | spoken good Hawaiian and who certainly | ||
spoke the broken plantation language, | spoke the broken plantation language, | ||
− | abandonment of pidgin is a | + | abandonment of pidgin is a possibility |
if they wish to give up their local | if they wish to give up their local | ||
identity. Most do not, and there is | identity. Most do not, and there is | ||
Line 88: | Line 90: | ||
any identity with Standard American | any identity with Standard American | ||
English. | English. | ||
+ | |||
For Hawaiians, however, localness | For Hawaiians, however, localness | ||
is included in their Hawaiian blood | is included in their Hawaiian blood |
Latest revision as of 16:59, 9 April 2006
has a pidgin-like history. 29/ This status has nothing to do with the structure of the language, which is in some ways more intricate than Standard English (particularly in its tense structure), but with its historical connection with broken English. Since the position of one's language in the hierarchy of English dialects affects the impression one gives in both the educational and employment fields, pidgin labels its speakers as unqualified, no matter what their intellect. Also, since the pidgin culture is a subculture of the larger American English-speaking culture, its nenbers geneially accept the status hierarchy and apply it themselves! An amazing example of this is the fact that as Hawaiian-speaking ministers die off, Hawaiian congregations are replacing them, not from their own pidgin-speaking ranks, but with mainland, Standard American English speakers. Thus, the replacement of Hawaiian with pidgin has taken Hawaiians (except those of Ni'ihau) to the final point of loss of control over themselves, which first occurred when the decision was made that members of the English-speaking missionary community would be appropriate in high government service, performing duties formerly handled by members of the Hawaiian-speaking community.
Present thinking in Hawai'i is that elimination of pidgin in favor of Standard American English will solve many educational and occupational problems for local people. The history of what has happened with the replacement of Hawaiian by English does not support this thinking. The worst scenario (with the elimination of this last true linguistic unifying factor of Hawaiians) is that Hawaiians would be considered completely assimilated and the term "Hawaiian" would be applied to anyone resident or born in Hawai'i. This would open up the loss of rights that accompany the Hawaiian identity, and the dispersal of Hawaiians for economic reasons from their traditional homeland to lower economic areas on the North American continent.
Even if it were desirable to replace pidgin with American English (because of the fact that any slight non-North American feature can be used to label a person a speaker of "pidgin"), it will never be completely possible to eliminate the local sound, and the accompanying negative reaction it evinces in speakers of Standard American English. Just as it will never be possible for New Yorkers to all sound like Texans, it will never be possible for all local people to speak like Nebraskans, for the simple reason of demographics. Another reason that pidgin cannot be replaced altogether by Standard American English is that it carries a very positive and highly-valued association with the local Hawai'i identity. For non-Hawaiian, immigrant-descended "locals," whose ancestors may have spoken good Hawaiian and who certainly spoke the broken plantation language, abandonment of pidgin is a possibility if they wish to give up their local identity. Most do not, and there is ample evidence for non-Hawaiian locals emphasizing their localness over their own ethnic background, as well as over any identity with Standard American English.
For Hawaiians, however, localness is included in their Hawaiian blood and appearance. They have no choice of becoming a Japanese-American or Filipino-American (versus a local Hawai'i-Japanese or a local Hawai'i-Filipino), with an identity that does not include Hawai'i. A Hawaiian must always be identified
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