Difference between revisions of "Template:Nhsc-v1-183"
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− | foremost | + | foremost traditional Hawaiian scholar |
− | of the twentieth century, Puku'i, 15/ | + | of the twentieth century, Puku'i, <u>15</u>/ |
records a Hawaiian proverb that | records a Hawaiian proverb that | ||
− | explains how the position of | + | explains how the position of <u>ali'i</u> was |
− | created from within the maka'ainana: | + | created from within the <u>maka'ainana</u>: |
− | Kuneki na ku'auhau | + | |
− | noho mai i lalo; ho'okahi no, 'o | + | : Kuneki na ku'auhau li'ili'i, noho mai i lalo; ho'okahi no, 'o ko ke ali'i ke pi'i i ka 'i'o. |
− | ko ke | + | |
− | (Let the lesser genealogies | + | : (Let the lesser genealogies sit below; that of the <u>ali'i</u> alone should be raised up towards significance.) |
− | below; that of the | + | |
− | should be raised up towards | ||
− | |||
What this means is that the people put | What this means is that the people put | ||
forth the flower of their families as | forth the flower of their families as | ||
Line 19: | Line 17: | ||
is recognized and admired, the status | is recognized and admired, the status | ||
of everyone else is assured as well by | of everyone else is assured as well by | ||
− | genealogical connection.) The | + | genealogical connection.) The <u>ali'i</u> |
− | were the flower of the maka'ainana, | + | were the flower of the <u>maka'ainana</u>, |
within the ideals of both the base and | within the ideals of both the base and | ||
− | + | aesthetic culture. The family | |
− | + | relationship remains intact, although | |
individuals maintain distances. | individuals maintain distances. | ||
+ | |||
In Hawaiian base culture much | In Hawaiian base culture much | ||
− | emphasis is put on | + | emphasis is put on first-born |
children. In today's Hawaiian | children. In today's Hawaiian | ||
families the oldest child often has | families the oldest child often has | ||
control over the younger children, and | control over the younger children, and | ||
respect and even some authority is | respect and even some authority is | ||
− | carried by the | + | carried by the first-born child even |
− | + | in to adulthood with respect to his or | |
− | her younger | + | her younger siblings. The Hawaiian |
− | language | + | language itself always distinguishes |
− | older from younger sibling in | + | older from younger sibling in its |
kinship terms. The importance of | kinship terms. The importance of | ||
− | + | birth order even carries into the | |
extended family, with the term used | extended family, with the term used | ||
− | for a cousin depending on the | + | for a cousin depending on the relative |
age of the connecting parent. In | age of the connecting parent. In | ||
their base culture, then, Hawaiians | their base culture, then, Hawaiians | ||
− | + | put much emphasis on birth order and | |
− | the prestige of being | + | the prestige of being first-born. The |
− | + | aesthetic culture supports this with | |
special ceremonies for first-born | special ceremonies for first-born | ||
− | children and | + | children and traditions of giving them |
special name songs, or similar special | special name songs, or similar special | ||
recognition. | recognition. | ||
+ | |||
Genealogies are made more prominent | Genealogies are made more prominent | ||
− | by including | + | by including first-born children, and |
the person chosen to represent the | the person chosen to represent the | ||
− | people as | + | people as <u>ali'i</u> is usually from the |
− | genealogy with the most | + | genealogy with the most first-born |
− | children and lineages in | + | children and lineages in it. In a |
− | more | + | more traditional Hawaiian |
− | + | interpretation, then, <u>ali'i</u> and | |
− | maka'ainana are kin terms with the | + | <u>maka'ainana</u> are kin terms with the |
− | + | <u>ali'i</u> representing the equivalent of | |
− | kaikua'ana, "older | + | <u>kaikua'ana</u>, "older sibling of the same |
sex or cousin related to one through | sex or cousin related to one through | ||
− | an older | + | an older sibling of one's parent." |
− | The grammar of the language | + | The grammar of the language itself |
− | strengthens the | + | strengthens the identification of |
− | + | <u>ali'i</u> and <u>maka'ainana</u> as kin terms, | |
since they use the O-class possessive | since they use the O-class possessive | ||
− | markers | + | markers characteristic of the |
− | possession of kin. That | + | possession of kin. That is , the <u>ali'i</u> |
− | says ko'u maka' | + | says <u>ko'u</u> <u>maka'ainana</u>, "my |
− | maka 'ainana" (note the | + | <u>maka 'ainana</u>" (note the <u>o</u> of <u>k o'u</u>), and |
− | the maka'ainana says ko'u | + | the maka'ainana says <u>ko'u</u> <u>ali'i</u>, "my |
− | + | <u>ali'i</u>. " The use of the O-class | |
possessive markers here contrasts with | possessive markers here contrasts with | ||
the use of A-class possessive markers | the use of A-class possessive markers | ||
Line 78: | Line 78: | ||
hands, and spouses, who are treated as | hands, and spouses, who are treated as | ||
A-class and less intimately bound with | A-class and less intimately bound with | ||
− | one than O-class possessed items. | + | one than O-class possessed items. <u>16</u>/ |
− | + | ||
− | Even the rigid "taboos" (kapu) as | + | Even the rigid "taboos" (<u>kapu</u>) as |
described in English books on Hawaiian | described in English books on Hawaiian | ||
culture are not as the English | culture are not as the English | ||
− | language makes them appear. The kapu | + | language makes them appear. The <u>kapu</u> |
are actually associated with a lineage | are actually associated with a lineage | ||
through an historical or legendary | through an historical or legendary | ||
event, the emphasizing of which | event, the emphasizing of which | ||
through ceremonial observation | through ceremonial observation | ||
− | stresses the status of the lineage | + | stresses the status of the lineage |
− | (ali 'i and maka'ainana as one). When | + | (<u>ali'i</u> and <u>maka'ainana</u> as one). When |
the people (and even nature, as | the people (and even nature, as | ||
happens in the traditional context) | happens in the traditional context) | ||
− | recognize these kapu by lighting | + | recognize these <u>kapu</u> by lighting |
torches at day, sitting before an | torches at day, sitting before an | ||
− | ali 'i, allowing the ali'i to move only | + | <u>ali'i</u>, allowing the <u>ali'i</u> to move only |
at night, or observing rainbows | at night, or observing rainbows | ||
{{p|183}} | {{p|183}} |
Latest revision as of 12:43, 9 April 2006
foremost traditional Hawaiian scholar of the twentieth century, Puku'i, 15/ records a Hawaiian proverb that explains how the position of ali'i was created from within the maka'ainana:
- Kuneki na ku'auhau li'ili'i, noho mai i lalo; ho'okahi no, 'o ko ke ali'i ke pi'i i ka 'i'o.
- (Let the lesser genealogies sit below; that of the ali'i alone should be raised up towards significance.)
What this means is that the people put forth the flower of their families as their representative and de-emphasized the rest of the family to give added prominence to that representative. (Of course once their representative is recognized and admired, the status of everyone else is assured as well by genealogical connection.) The ali'i were the flower of the maka'ainana, within the ideals of both the base and aesthetic culture. The family relationship remains intact, although individuals maintain distances.
In Hawaiian base culture much emphasis is put on first-born children. In today's Hawaiian families the oldest child often has control over the younger children, and respect and even some authority is carried by the first-born child even in to adulthood with respect to his or her younger siblings. The Hawaiian language itself always distinguishes older from younger sibling in its kinship terms. The importance of birth order even carries into the extended family, with the term used for a cousin depending on the relative age of the connecting parent. In their base culture, then, Hawaiians put much emphasis on birth order and the prestige of being first-born. The aesthetic culture supports this with special ceremonies for first-born children and traditions of giving them special name songs, or similar special recognition.
Genealogies are made more prominent by including first-born children, and the person chosen to represent the people as ali'i is usually from the genealogy with the most first-born children and lineages in it. In a more traditional Hawaiian interpretation, then, ali'i and maka'ainana are kin terms with the ali'i representing the equivalent of kaikua'ana, "older sibling of the same sex or cousin related to one through an older sibling of one's parent." The grammar of the language itself strengthens the identification of ali'i and maka'ainana as kin terms, since they use the O-class possessive markers characteristic of the possession of kin. That is , the ali'i says ko'u maka'ainana, "my maka 'ainana" (note the o of k o'u), and the maka'ainana says ko'u ali'i, "my ali'i. " The use of the O-class possessive markers here contrasts with the use of A-class possessive markers used with ordinary material goods possessed by a person, and even hired hands, and spouses, who are treated as A-class and less intimately bound with one than O-class possessed items. 16/
Even the rigid "taboos" (kapu) as described in English books on Hawaiian culture are not as the English language makes them appear. The kapu are actually associated with a lineage through an historical or legendary event, the emphasizing of which through ceremonial observation stresses the status of the lineage (ali'i and maka'ainana as one). When the people (and even nature, as happens in the traditional context) recognize these kapu by lighting torches at day, sitting before an ali'i, allowing the ali'i to move only at night, or observing rainbows
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