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The Texas and Hawaii annexations were similar in several respects, therefore. A number of expatriated American citizens resided in both Texas and Hawaii. In each, a failed treaty attempt had preceded the annexation by a joint resolution. As stated in Senate Report No. 681 on the Hawaiian annexation, "This joint resolution [on Texas] clearly establishes the precedent that Congress has the power to annex a foreign State...either by assenting to a treaty of annexation or by agreeing to articles of annexation or by act of Congress based upon the consent of such foreign Government obtained in any authentic way." 241/ The argument had the tone of certainty, but those opposed argued against the precedent. 242/

Opponents noted that the body of the joint resolution annexing Texas did not contain the words "annex" or "annexing." Instead, the resolutions read: "'may be erected into a State,1 ...The proper title to the Texas resolutions is shown by the Congressional Globe to have been, 'Joint resolutions declaring the terms on which Congress will admit Texas into the Union as a State.'" 243/ Representative Mann replied in Congressional debate that: "It is not necessary to deny that the proposed annexation of the Hawaiian Islands constitutes a new departure in the policy of our Government, for whether it does or not makes no difference... the Republican party...has never shrunk from doing that which is right and advantageous because it might be called a new departure." 244/ To add weight to the argument, it was reported that one of the President's advisors stated: "the President has been very firm about it and means to annex the Islands anyway..." President McKinley himself told George Cortelyou: "We need Hawaii just as much and a good deal more than we did California. It is manifest destiny." 245/

The annexation differed, as well. In Texas, unlike in Hawaii, the people voted on annexation. 246/

Did Any Native Hawaiians Sign Annexation Documents?

Determination of whether any native Hawaiians signed the proposed 1897 annexation treaty first requires a definition of "native Hawaiians." Certain parties during the annexation debate attempted to define second and third generation whites born on the islands as "white natives." For example, it was argued that Lorrin A. Thurston, a member of the Hawaiian treaty delegation, whose parents were born in Hawaii, and Chief Justice Judd of Hawaii were "white natives of the islands." 247/ Most agreed, however, that "native Hawaiians" referred to the original aboriginal natives of the islands. This was clearly shown in the census breakdowns concerning Hawaii 248/ and in most of the documents presented concerning annexation.

However, the only way to determine definitively how many native Hawaiians were involved in annexation proceedings is extensive genealogical research. The Federal Archivist told the Commission that this is both time-consuming and expensive. The alternative approach, checking surnames, undoubtedly does not reliably identify the number of native Hawaiians present for legislative action.

The historical record, as detailed below, indicates that no more than six native Hawaiians 249/ were present in the Hawaiian legislature when the 1894 Constitution of Hawaii was adopted. This Constitution, valid until annexation, called for Hawaii's annexation. 250/ Hawaii had a long history of submitting requests for annexation to the United States, both informally and through negotiated treaties. 251/ How many of these earlier requests were actually supported by the native


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